It is not uncommon for legal scholars to conceptualize courts as acting in opposition to politics -- as restraining or checking the exercise of power. On this view, it is reasonable to assume that, in most cases, the exercise of judicial power comes at the expense of other power holders.
Over the last few years a number of scholars, working under the rubric of a "regime politics" approach to the study of courts, have flipped this assumption in order to explore how much of the behavior of judges -- and (for that matter) how much of the development of law -- can be explained if we assume that courts often serve what Robert Dahl once called the "dominant governing coalition" of a polity (see "Decision-Making in a Democracy: The Supreme Court as a National Policy-Maker," Journal of Public Law 6 (1957): 279–295). It is a starting point that is also consistent with Martin Shapiro's argument (developed in his book Courts: A Comparative and Political Analysis, among other places) that we should think of courts as inevitably constructed to advance the interests of the regime with which they are affiliated. (All of this is premised on the assumption that the staffing and jurisdiction of courts is typically controlled by other power holders who are not exclusively motivated by concerns about competence and integrity.)
What roles might courts play in promoting the political agenda of dominant governing coalitions?
Continue reading "Courts Serving Party Coalitions" »
Michael Klarman is a legal historian who likes to explore the kinds of questions that political scientists ask about the Supreme Court. In his extraordinary book From Jim Crow to Civil Rights he addresses a topic that has been dear to the hearts of many judicial behaviorists: are Supreme Court decisions motivated by legal considerations or by non-legal considerations, such as the justices' personal attitudes or other political calculations? When behaviorists take on this question they begin by developing measures of law and judicial attitudes (e.g., see here and here). Klarman opted for an in-depth case study (see also his draft essay here).
Specifically, he identified the justices who participated in Brown v. Board of Education and collected evidence regarding their personal, political, and legal views on segregation. Not surprisingly, Klarman found that many of the justices who personally considered segregation to be immoral also adopted legal positions that treated segregation as unconstitutional. In some cases the data were ambiguous, and the best Klarman could do was offer informed speculation -- for example, as to whether Cold Warriors Burton and Minton (who had not previously exhibited support for the active judicial protection of civil rights and liberties) sincerely believed that segregation violated equal protection or were instead swayed primarily by the Cold War imperatives of the case. Klarman also made a very persuasive case that, for Justices Frankfurter and Jackson, Brown represented a clear clash between legal considerations (which, in their judgment, argued in favor of upholding Plessy) and personal/political considerations (which they believed argued in favor of overruling Plessy). The overall result was a richly textured discussion of how personal, political, and legal factors influenced the outcome in Brown.
Continue reading "Empirical" »
The Legal Times has a interesting story on the lack of ethnic and gender diversity among U.S. Supreme Court Law Clerks. The story draws heavily on the research of former ELS Guest Blogger, Todd Peppers, who participated in the "Law Clerks as Research Subjects" Forum back in March. Here is a worthwhile excerpt that deals with changes in hiring practices over time:
This is ... the first term in which clerks affected by the new federal
clerkship hiring plan have reached the Court. Under the plan, adopted
in 2002, appellate judges agreed they would no longer hire clerks after
their first year of law school but would wait until the start of their
third year. Some judges speculated that by giving law students another
year to blossom, more minority candidates could emerge. If so, it did
not result in more minority clerks at the Court. [Only three of thirty-seven this term are non-white.]
Todd Peppers, author of the new book "Courtiers of the Marble Palace,"
which takes a historical look at high court clerks, says none of the
possible explanations for low numbers of minorities is satisfying.
When, a few years ago, members of Congress asked why justices could not
cast their nets more widely to find more minority candidates, Peppers
recalls, the justices often fell back on the "questionable" excuse that
they could not afford to take chances that even one of their clerks
might not be a top performer.
Continue reading "White, Male SCOTUS Clerks" »
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