Empirical Legal Studies

More Evidence of a Racialized Death Penalty

Notably, race does not emerge as a central concern in the Court’s Furman decision, now more than fifty years old. In the decades since Furman, however, empirical evidence continues to mount documenting that "racial discrimination infects the administration of the death penalty." A recent paper by Jeffrey Fagan et al. (Columbia), Getting to Death: Race and the Paths of Capital Cases after Furman, represents a recent and important contribution to this literature. Researchers visited each judicial circuit in Georgia to record the details of every murder case that entered the courts from 1994–2005. Analyses of the 1,317 death-eligible murders suggest that “race continues to matter, and that the statutory aggravators that distinguish death cases from other killings are themselves racialized.” A more detailed description of the paper's core findings appears in the Abstract (below).

“Decades of research on the administration of the death penalty have recognized the persistent arbitrariness in its implementation and the racial inequality in the selection of defendants and cases for capital punishment. This Article provides new insights into the combined effects of these two constitutional challenges. We show how these features of post-Furman capital punishment operate at each stage of adjudication, from charging death-eligible cases to plea negotiations to the selection of eligible cases for execution and ultimately to the execution itself, and how their effects combine to sustain the constitutional violations first identified 50 years ago in Furman. Analyzing a dataset of 2,328 first- degree murder convictions in Georgia from 1995–2004 that produced 1,317 death eligible cases, we show that two features of these cases combine to produce a small group of persons facing execution: victim race and gender, and a set of case-specific features that are often correlated with race. We also show that these features explain which cases progress from the initial stages of charging to a death sentence, and which are removed from death eligibility at each stage through plea negotiations. Consistent with decades of death penalty research, we also show the special focus of prosecution on cases where Black defendants murder white victims. The evidence in the Georgia records suggests a regime marred less by overbreadth in its statute than capriciousness and randomness in the decision to seek death and to seek it in a racially disparate manner. These two dimensions of capital case adjudication combine to sustain the twin failures that produce the fatal lottery that is the death penalty.”

Judges' Financial Holdings, Case Outcomes, and Recusal

Fundamental to the notion of a fair trial and the rule of law is the principle that a judge shall apply the law impartially and free from the influence of any personal biases. When real or perceived conflicts of interest emerge, judges are expected to recuse themselves. Despite such an expectation, however, recent Wall Street Journal reporting revealed many cases where judges violated U.S. law and judicial ethics (28 U.S.C. Section 455) by overseeing cases that involve companies in which they or their family-owned stock. Unsurprisingly, several of the cases with conflicts have been appealed.

While Chief Justice John Roberts downplayed the significance of the Wall Street Journal reporting, characterizing the judges' failures to recuse as "isolated violations" and "unintentional oversights," empirical explorations of the potential influence of judges' financial holdings on case outcomes remain rare. To address this scholarly gap, a recent paper, Judge Financial Holdings and Case Outcomes: Evidence from Judge Financial Disclosures, examines whether there is a relation between the financial holdings of judges and the outcomes of the trials over which they preside.

To construct the judges' investment data set, Harit (Univ. Texas-Dallas—mgmt.) et al. extracted judge financial disclosure data from the Free Law Project website. Their sample includes 33,726 annual disclosure reports involving 3,250 federal judges from 2000 to 2020. The authors lever the random assignment of cases to judges and examine whether a judge's rulings are related to his or her stock ownership in one or more of the parties in the case. The paper finds robust evidence that judges rule more favorably and take longer when deciding over conflicted cases as compared to unconflicted ones. It also notes that investors are positively surprised by these outcomes. The abstract follows.

"This paper examines the association between a judge's financial holdings and the outcome of legal cases. Using novel data on financial disclosures of judges and the civil case information of public firms across district courts in the United States between 2000 and 2021, we document multiple instances in which judges fail to recuse themselves in cases where they hold common stock. We find robust evidence that judges rule more favorably and take longer when deciding over conflicted cases as compared to unconflicted ones. We also find that investors are positively surprised by these outcomes, as reflected by stock returns to trial outcomes. Collectively, our results provide the first large-scale evidence of the relation between judges' financial holdings and case outcomes."

Civilian Complaints Against Police & Prosecutor "Upcharging"

Citizens’ engagement with police serves as a valuable resource. One particular form of citizen engagement—civil complaints—can impose a serious cost to the targeted police officer as well as the police department. To try to reduce the potential negative effects of a citizen complaint against law enforcement agents, other criminal justice actors could act to re-frame the encounter such that the optics look unfavorably on the complaining citizen. Since a defendant cannot seek monetary damages in civil court unless his/her conviction or sentence was declared invalid, prosecutors may increase the number or the severity of charges that the defendant faces to propel the defendant toward accepting a plea deal, which would prevent the defendant from seeking further financial reparations. In a new paper, Do Civilian Complaints Against Police Get Punished?, DeAngelo (Claremont Colleges) et al. pursue this question empirically.

To do so, the authors examine arrest, complaint and charging data from Cook County (Illinois). The results indicate that a positive, causal link between citizen complaints and an increased number of total charges filed against a defendant exists. The paper also notes that a civilian complaint yields a larger plea discount, likely to induce a plea agreement. Notably, the main findings are entirely driven by charges filed directly by the prosecutor’s office rather than directly by the police. Given that prosecutors are likely filing charges after civilian complaints have been filed against law enforcement, it appears that prosecutor behavior is leading to upcharging in response to civilian complaints and not police decisions. An excerpted abstract follows.

“… This paper empirically investigates one way in which criminal justice institutions respond to civilian complaints. Namely, criminal prosecutors can upcharge a defendant who files a civil complaint against law enforcement. By upcharging, the prosecutor can increase the likelihood that a defendant will accept a plea deal, thus preventing the defendant from seeking monetary damages in civil court (Heck vs. Humphrey, 1994). Using data on citizen complaints and criminal charge outcomes from Cook County (Illinois), we find a strong causal link between a citizen filing a complaint and the total number of charges filed.”

Theory's Role in ELS

A not infrequent, though diminishing, canard is that "too many" empirical legal studies papers are "atheoretical." While the claim itself is an empirical one (and one that I side-step), a larger, broader point endures. Specifically, the best of ELS is certainly informed by well-developed theory. In a recent paper, The Role of Theory in Empirical Legal Studies, Tonja Jacobi (Emory) makes this case in a brief and widely accessible paper. While perhaps targeted to "early career" ELS scholars and non-technical consumers of empirical research, the paper helpfully reminds all of theory's essential role in empirical legal studies. The paper's abstract follows.

"The growing field of empirical legal studies is not an alternative to theory: within every empirical inquiry is an implicit formal theoretical model. Further, good empirical tests should be inspired by substantive theories of the phenomena being analyzed. This essay explains how theory is built into all empirical testing and illustrates why empirical tests are best informed by well-developed theories. It uses examples of empirical studies of both US Supreme Court and Australian High Court oral argument to illustrate how these issues apply to the central issues at the intersection of empirical legal studies and constitutional law: the role of judicial ideology and strategy, and predicting judicial behavior. The essay explores common errors in both conducting and consuming empirical work, and presents some solutions, including both methodological fixes and how to draw on substantive expertise. It aims to help the non-technical reader understand when counterintuitive results should be queried and when, in contrast, resistance is more reflective of priors of the reader rather than potential weaknesses of the work. And it acts as a reminder to technical readers and empirical practitioners that theory is built into every empirical test, and so must be taken seriously."

Case Outcomes & Judge Financial Conflicts

To assist with insuring that "justice is blind," a presiding judge is expected to recuse from any case where he/she is financially conflicted with any of the litigating parties. Evidence that this expectation is not being consistently met was widely reported in 2020-2021. Indeed, the public controversy elicited a response from Chief Justice John Roberts. In his 2021 annual report on the federal judiciary, and in direct response to the controversy surrounding numerous federal judges, Chief Justice Roberts downplayed the controversy’s significance, characterizing the incidents as "isolated violations" and "unintentional oversights."

Notwithstanding Justice Roberts' characterizations, given the widespread implications posed by judges' failures to recuse when proper it is important to understand whether these recent episodes are one-time incidents or point to a larger, systemic problem. To address this question, in a recent paper, Judge Financial Holdings and Case Outcomes: Evidence from Judge Financial Disclosures, Tuhin Harit (Univ. Dallas--Mgmt.) et al. examine whether there is a relation between judges' disclosed financial holdings and the outcomes of the trials over which they presided.

Drawing from a sample that includes cases from 2000–2021, the paper finds that “stock ownership by judges significantly improves the chances of a litigant's winning a case.” In cases where the presiding judge is financially conflicted with either the defendant or plaintiff, “their chance of a favorable decision improves by 3.3% and 4.3%, respectively, after controlling for judge, industry, district, case file year, and firm characteristics.” An excerpted abstract follows.

"... Using novel data on financial disclosures of judges and the civil case information of public firms across district courts in the United States between 2000 and 2021, we document multiple instances in which judges fail to recuse themselves in cases where they hold common stock. We find robust evidence that judges rule more favorably and take longer when deciding over conflicted cases as compared to unconflicted ones. We also find that investors are positively surprised by these outcomes, as reflected by stock returns to trial outcomes. Collectively, our results provide the first large-scale evidence of the relation between judges' financial holdings and case outcomes.”

The Empirics of Choice of Law

In an effort to peer into judicial decisionmaking more generally, a recent paper by Dan Klerman (USC), Bias in Choice of Law: New Empirical and Experimental Evidence, levers both observational and experimental data drawn from the vehicle accident context to examine choice of law disputes. The paper considers three leading sources of choice of law bias: pro-resident, pro-plaintiff, and forum law. The findings intrigue and complicate prevailing conventional wisdoms.

Specifically, core findings include that while judges seem to favor the plaintiff, judge decisions do not tilt in favor of application of the law they are most familiar with (the law of the forum). While state court judges favor local residents, federal court judges do not. Although the traditional “place of the injury” choice-of-law rule was more constraining than modern American choice-of-law standards (such as the Restatement Second), even judges under the traditional rule favored the plaintiff more often than seemed warranted. The abstract follows.

"Scholars have argued that modern American choice-of-law is subject to three biases: (1) a bias in favor of residents of the forum state (pro-resident bias), (2) a bias in favor of plaintiffs (pro-plaintiff bias), and (3) a bias in favor of the law of the forum (forum law bias). This article brings new evidence about these biases from a comprehensive database of vehicular accident cases and from the first experiment related to choice of law. Overall, there is some evidence of a pro-resident bias in state (but not federal) court, some evidence of pro-plaintiff bias in both federal and state court, and no evidence of a pro-forum bias."

Business Litigants and the Roberts Court

Assessing “How pro business is the Roberts Court?” is both straightforward and complicated. Based on how business litigants fare in the Roberts Court versus non-business litigants over time, business does quite well. The win rate for business in the Roberts Court, 63.4 percent, is 15 percentage points higher than the next highest rate of business wins over the past century (the Rehnquist Court, at 48.3 percent). While it may be tempting for many to conclude that the current pro business tilt is purely a function of a Republican majority of justices on the Roberts Court, as Lee Epstein (USC) and Mitu Gulati (Virginia) argue in a recent paper, A Century of Business in the Supreme Court, 1920-2020, “this is only the beginning of the story.”

Epstein and Gulati bring data from the Supreme Court Database to the question. Starting with the 11,121 orally argued cases resulting in a signed opinion or judgment between the 1920-2020 terms, their paper focuses only on those 4,070 cases (35,173 votes) in which business was the petitioner (appellant) or respondent (appellee). That is, they excluded cases in which business was on both sides of a legal dispute.

Their core findings defy conventional wisdom and inject important complicating wrinkles. What they find includes: "(a) It is not just the Republicans on the Roberts Court who are more pro business than in prior Courts, but the Democrats as well; (b) The Government, through the SG’s office and across both Democratic and Republican administrations, has been much more supportive of business positions than in prior eras; and (c) An elite Supreme Court bar has emerged in recent years and businesses have hired them disproportionately so as to better influence the Court."

Empirical Contours of the Political Question Doctrine

Amid the enduring and varied debates about the political question doctrine, motivated by the Supreme Court's 1962 Baker v. Carr decision, the scholarly commentary shares one key attribute. Specifically, it dwells on the Supreme Court. Such a focus is ironic as while the Court has only rarely applied the political question doctrine, lower federal courts, by contrast, have invoked the doctrine "as a basis for dismissal in hundreds of cases." Drawing on both qualitative and quantitative (descriptive) methods, in a recent paper, The Real Political Question Doctrine, Curtis Bradley (Chicago) and Eric Posner (Chicago) explore how the political question doctrine has operated in the lower courts since the Supreme Court's Baker decision.

The authors find that lower courts use the doctrine to "evaluate their own institutional capacity to resolve politically sensitive disputes. It is the lower courts’ more limited capacity compared to the Supreme Court that explains the lower courts’ heavier reliance on the doctrine." More specifically, "the political question doctrine is a screening mechanism that the lower courts use to take account of limits on their institutional capacity. The Supreme Court has less need for this mechanism, so most of the doctrine’s life must be found in the foothills rather than at the summit of Mount Olympus. From this standpoint, the doctrine is not moribund but full of life. It is not limited in the ways suggested by the 'classical' or 'functional' theories. The lower court practice is best captured by Bickel’s prudential theory." An excerpted abstract follows.

"... We provide the first empirical account of how the doctrine has operated in the lower courts since Baker. Our account is based on both a quantitative analysis of a sample of these decisions and on a qualitative review of these and other decisions. This account reveals a political question doctrine that is substantially different from the one described in most scholarship: it is more vibrant, heavily focused on foreign affairs, often applied in non-constitutional cases, more prudential, and not a permanent disallowance of judicial review...."

Algos and Parole Decisions

Many--if not most--parole decisions remain fraught with peril. As parole boards are tasked with, to some degree, "guessing into the future," some form of risk assessment has been used to inform parole decisions since the 1920s. Despite this legacy, a recent and growing "decarceration" push has heightened public and scholarly attention to criminal risk prediction instruments. Recently, New York state amended its parole law to "center [parole board] decisions on individual’s rehabilitation in prison and future risk if released." Despite this shift in law, critics continue to argue that parole boards, such as New York's, "continue to incarcerate individuals well beyond their minimum sentence, not out of concern for public safety, but because of the nature and severity of the offense that had sent them to prison."

While concerns grow, few empirical estimates of the issue exist. In a recent paper, An Algorithmic Assessment of Parole Decisions, the authors, Hannah Laqueur (UC Davis--medicine) and Ryan Copus (Univ. Mizzou--KC), endeavor to do just that and test a risk-prediction algorithm. To do so, the paper paper exploits New York parole hearings’ data from 2012-2018. The data include individual sex, race/ethnicity, commitment crime, housing facility, parole board interview type, and the interview decision. The authors also obtained criminal history records for all individuals who had a recorded parole hearing from 2012 through 2018. The authors' risk prediction algorithm trained on the 4,168 individuals who were released on parole between 2012 and 2015 (a total of 19,713 individuals had parole hearings during this period). The primary outcome variables include "any recorded arrest within three years post-release and any violent felony arrest within three years post-release."

The authors find that the New York parole board "could have granted parole more than twice as often without increasing either the overall or violent arrest rate, or it could have released the same number of people while approximately halving both overall and violent arrest rates. Further, we find that they could have achieved these gains while simultaneously eliminating racial disparities in release rates.” The authors take care to note that they "cannot determine whether the Board is simply not as good at determining risk as our risk prediction algorithm, or is simply prioritizing non-risk related factors such as the commitment offense." The paper's abstract follows.

"Objectives: Parole is an important mechanism for alleviating the extraordinary social and financial costs of mass incarceration. Yet parole boards can also present a major obstacle, denying parole to low-risk inmates who could safely be released from prison. We evaluate a major parole institution, the New York State Parole Board, quantifying the costs of suboptimal decision-making.

Methods: Using ensemble Machine Learning, we predict any arrest and any violent felony arrest within three years to generate criminal risk predictions for individuals released on parole in New York from 2012–2015. We quantify the social welfare loss of the Board’s sub-optimal decisions by rank ordering inmates by their predicted risk and estimating the crime rates that could be observed with counterfactual risk-based release decisions. We also estimate the release rates that could be achieved holding arrest rates constant. We attend to the “selective labels” problem in several ways, including by testing the validity of the algorithm for individuals who were denied parole but later released after the expiration of their sentence.

Results: We conservatively estimate that the Board could have more than doubled the release rate without increasing the total or violent felony arrest rate, and that they could have achieved these gains while simultaneously eliminating racial disparities in release rates.

Conclusions: This study demonstrates the use of algorithms for evaluating criminal justice decision-making. Our analyses suggest that many low risk individuals are being unnecessarily incarcerated, highlighting the need for major parole reform."

Judges Without J.D.s: One First Step

In an intriguing paper, Judging Without a J.D., the authors, Sara Greene (Duke) and Kristen Renberg (Duke), emphasize an underappreciated point: In a surprising number of states lower-level state court judges do not possess the J.D. degree. Now, to be sure, even at the federal level, the J.D. degree is not required for an Art. III commission. That said, insofar as virtually every (if not every) Art.III judge today possesses a J.D. the necessary variation does not exist to support useful comparative studies.

Research not possible in the federal judicial space, however, is possible in the state judicial space. And this paper does a good job at identifying a potentially rich vein of future research possibilities. Implications from this paper's brief case study of North Carolina magistrates (where more than 80 percent do not possess the J.D. degree) hint at possible distributional concerns. And these concerns may be especially acute where non-JD magistrates intersect with pro se litigants (itself a growing trend). The paper's abstract follows.

"One of the most basic assumptions of our legal system is that when two parties face off in court, the case will be adjudicated before a judge who is trained in the law. This Essay begins by showing that empirically, the assumption that most judges have legal training does not hold true for many low-level state courts. Using data we compiled from all fifty states and the District of Columbia, we find that thirty-three states allow at least some low-level state court judges to adjudicate without a law degree, and in seventeen states, judges who adjudicate eviction cases are not required to have law degrees. Since most poor litigants are unrepresented in civil legal cases, this sets up an almost Kafkaesque scene in courtrooms across the country: Legal cases that have a profound effect on poor families, such as whether they will lose their home to eviction, are argued either in courtrooms where no one knows the law or only one party---the lawyer for the more powerful party---knows the law.

Considering data collected from a case study of North Carolina, where over 80% of magistrates do not have J.D.s, this Essay argues that allowing a system of nonlawyer judges perpetuates long-standing inequalities in our courts. It further argues that the phenomenon of lay judges is a symptom of a much larger problem in our justice system: the devaluation of the legal problems of the poor, who are disproportionately Black and Latine. This devaluation stems in part from an enduring cultural history in the United States of blaming the poor for their poverty and the associated problems of poverty. A change is in order, one that intentionally considers the expertise of judges and adopts creative solutions to incentivize specially qualified adjudicators to serve as low-level state court judges."

Federal Courts and "Certification" of State Law Questions

When federal courts need to apply state law and no clear articular of state law exists, federal judges have few options. While generating an Erie "guess" remains one option, another involves certifying the legal question to the state's highest court. Proponents suggest that state certification promotes federal-state cooperation, reduces forum shopping incentives, and, on net, reduces costs and increases efficiencies. Critics, by contrast, emphasize the unidirectional federal-state cooperation, the persistence of forum shopping, and the associated costs and delay.

While the SCOTUS and Judicial Conference have expressed growing interest in the state certification alternative of late, helpful data are scant. A recent paper by Jason Cantone (George Mason--criminology) and Carly Griffin (Univ. Ill.--ag.), Certified Questions of State Law: An Empirical Examination of Use in Three U.S. Courts of Appeals, seeks to contribute by presenting results drawn from three federal courts of appeals. While the analyses are purely descriptive, temporally bound (from 2010 through 2018), and limited to three federal circuits, they nonetheless cast some helpful initial empirical light on some of the basic contours of the certification process.

Drawing on a sample (N=218) of certified question events across three federal circuits from 2010-2018, the paper explores: "how often the certified question procedure is utilized in three U.S. Courts of Appeals, how often the circuits certify a question, how often states grant the certified question, and how long the process takes." Notably, the paper finds important variation across the three circuits when it came to state certification rates and duration. The paper's abstract follows.

"Federal courts routinely need to apply state law, but this task becomes complicated when no definitive state law exists. In these instances, federal judges have a few options, including making an Erie guess, or certifying the question of state law to the highest state court. During the U.S. Supreme Court’s October 2020 term, two opinions endorsed the certification of questions of state law procedure. However, despite recent interest by the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. Judicial Conference Committee on Federal-State Jurisdiction, little empirical research has examined the perceived benefits and burdens of the procedure. This Article provides new empirical data to help fill that gap.

Using a sample of 218 certified-question events across the U.S. Courts of Appeals for the Ninth, Third, and Sixth Circuits from 2010 to 2018, we examine how certified questions originate, in what types of cases, how often U.S. courts of appeal certify the questions of state law, and whether the corresponding state supreme courts grant or deny the question. Further, to address the perceived time burden associated with certification, we examine how long each part of the process takes in the appellate court, from filing to certification to termination. We found significant variation between the three U.S. courts of appeals in certification rates and timing. While we encourage future studies regarding certification of state law questions, our data can be readily used to inform courts and academic debates regarding the benefits and burdens of the procedure."

Judicial Outcomes, "Industry Peer" Stock Ownership, and Recusal

While research on "outside" influences on judicial decisions is relatively well-developed, much of that research dwells on various political influences (judge political ideology, etc.). Comparatively less well-developed is the possibility that judges' stock holdings influence their decisions in cases that involve corporate parties from "industry-peer" firms. While recusal doctrine (and practices and norms) are designed to guard against direct judicial financial conflicts of interests, indirect financial conflicts, by contrast, fall outside of formal recusal boundaries. And one example of an "indirect" financial conflict includes when a presiding judge has a financial stake in a litigant's "industry peer."

Barriers to data access are among the reasons that account for a deficit in research on this topic. In Stock Ownership of Federal Judges and its Impact on Corporations, April Knill (Fl. St.--Business) et al., explore this question after cobbling together data from an array of sources. The key move on the data front involved matching, at the individual case-level, presiding judges and their financial holdings. The authors "manually download 21,044 individual financial disclosures from JudicialWatch.org file by file... . This process results in a sample comprising 11,447 unique reports for federal judges in the years 2007 – 2012.” And within their sample, the authors report that the sample contains "observations from 69,060 federal district court cases.… Judges own industry peer stock in 8.6% of the cases in our sample.”

It is worth underscoring that in these instances the presiding judges did not violate any formal recusal obligations as the possible conflicts of interests flowing from their "industry peer" stock holdings are indirect. That said, the paper's core results imply that judges are "being influenced by their stock ownership in industry peer firms of litigants – a practice that is completely legitimate – in cases over which they preside." The paper's abstract follows.

“This paper investigates whether and how litigant peer stock ownership by federal district judges affects characteristics of case outcomes for large corporate litigants. We find that industry-peer stock ownership by district judges is associated with the following outcomes for corporate litigants named in their assigned cases: 1) an increased likelihood of judgments for the corporate litigants, 2) a decrease in the amount received by the parties suing these corporate litigants, and 3) a decrease in the length of the litigation proceedings. The random assignment of district judges to cases provides exogenous variation in the judge stock ownership. We further identify the association outlined in our base results by examining appellate court reversals of district judgments, a triple difference analysis isolating large-stake investments, and outcomes in case types that should impact industries either cooperatively or competitively. Our results survive a falsification test as well as a battery of robustness tests. Our findings underscore the importance of mandates governing judge stock ownership, and more broadly, judge conflicts of interest.”

An Empirical Assessment of What "Substantial Similiarity" Means to Courts in Copyright Litigation

Judicial assessments of copyright infringement claims remain dominated by the two-prong "substantial similarity" test. Despite this test's centrality to copyright doctrine, very little is known about how courts operationalize and apply it. In a recent paper, An Empirical Study of Copyright's Substantial Similarity Test, Clark Asay (BYU) seeks to sketch some of the test's general empirical contours. To do so, the paper, drawing from the universe of substantial similarity opinions (found on WestLaw), exploits a random sample of 1,005 opinions (district and appellate) between 1978 and 2020.

The study's key findings intrigue. First, and unsurprising to most practitioners in this space, the Second and Ninth Circuits dominate this litigation. Second, judicial analyses on the substantial similarity test tend to dwell on the second prong with comparably less judicial attention to the first. Third, judicial analyses focusing on prong two--assessing whether the defendant’s copying amounts to improper appropriation--evidence a wide diversity of approaches. As Asay notes, "[n]o dominant means exists for resolving this question, and, in any given opinion, a court typically uses multiple subtests and copyright limitations to decide this inquiry."

The paper concludes by recommending: "First, courts should maintain the two traditional prongs of the substantial similarity test as distinct and reinvigorate their assessments of similarity under the first prong of the substantial similarity test. Second, courts should make discussing and applying any relevant copyright limitations the heart of their prong two analyses to ensure that copyright law serves its constitutional purposes."

Defendant-Prosecutor Gender "Pairings" and Leniency

While various pockets on criminal law are increasingly subject to empirical analyses, one particular pocket--how prosecutors distribute discretion--is comparatively under-studied. This is so, partly, due to a comparative paucity of relevant data on the prosecutors themselves (and matching them to individual cases and dispositions). A recent paper, Gender Favoritism Among Criminal Prosecutors, by Stephanie Holmes Didwania (Wisc.), tries move the scholarly needle a bit by exploiting data on over 130,000 federal criminal defendants sentenced in 2002 through 2016 to assess possible "gender-based differences in how prosecutors exercise critical discretion."

The paper matches Sentencing Commission data and data from the Executive Office for United States Attorneys (EOUSA) which regularly publishes case data from the 93 USAOs located throughout the United States. Critically, the breadth of the LIONS data "is substantial—the data covers all cases in which a USAO was involved, including those cases that are the primary responsibility of another agency and those the USAO declines to prosecute." Despite its breath, the LIONS data set is not without important limitations including a comparatively non-trivial amount of missing data. After matching, the resultant data set data includes "131,207 federal criminal defendants sentenced between 2001 and 2016 in 63 of the 94 federal district courts."

Data set limitations aside, the paper's core finding intrigues: "That defendants receive more lenient charges when they match with their prosecutor on gender relative to when they are assigned a prosecutor of the opposite gender. Through this charging channel, prosecutor-defendant pairs that match on gender produce lower sentences relative to prosecutor-defendant pairs that mismatch." More specifically, "the leniency associated with gender-matching ultimately translates into significantly lower sentences: a defendant can expect to earn a roughly five-month shorter sentence when their prosecutor is their own gender compared to when their prosecutor is the opposite gender, which represents a roughly eight percent reduction in sentence length at the mean." The paper's abstract follows.

"Prosecutors enjoy wide discretion in the decisions they make but are largely unstudied by quantitative empirical scholars. This paper explores gender bias in prosecutorial decision-making. I find that male and female prosecutors exhibit small and statistically insignificant differences in their treatment of defendants overall but demonstrate relative leniency towards defendants of their own gender. Such favoritism at charging translates into a sentencing gap of roughly five months of incarceration for defendants who are paired with an own-gender prosecutor versus an opposite-gender prosecutor, which represents a roughly eight percent reduction in sentence length at the mean. The estimates do not appear to be driven by differences in case assignments for male and female prosecutors."

Judge Ideology and Pleadings Decisions in the Circuits

While the Twombly and Iqbal decisions separately and collectively helped galvanize empirical work in civil procedure in terms of access to federal courts, now that we're well into a post-Twombly and Iqbal world sufficient data exist to begin to test various normative claims regarding whether the two procedure decisions amplify the potential impact of judge ideology. And in a new paper, Politics, Identity, and Pleadings Decisions on the U.S. Courts of Appeals, Stephen Burbank (Penn) and Sean Farhang (Berkeley) set out to do just that.

To do so, the authors drew a random sample of 700 cases from the universe of cases post-Iqbal through 2019 that involved a Court of Appeals review of a district court decision on whether to dismiss for failure to state a claim under Rule 12(b)(6). The paper focuses on "the extent to which the party (of appointing president), gender, and racial composition of panels are associated with their disposition of 12(b)(6) appeals." Key findings include "that panels with women and non-white judges are substantially more likely to rule in favor of a plaintiff reaching discovery in other civil rights claims, an important and cross-cutting civil rights category amounting to a quarter of 12(b)(6) appeals in our data, but that race and gender are insignificant outside that substantive area. Party is insignificant across the board in the random sample."